China Commemorates V-J Day With Military Parade

On September 3, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) hosted a large military parade in Beijing to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of the second Sino-Japanese war (1937-1945). The parade commemorating the “Victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War” involved more than 40,000 members of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The PRC used the occasion to display China’s latest military heavy equipment, most for the first time.

The PRC leadership intended for the show of massive military power to send clear messages to internal and external audiences. Domestically, the parade aimed to arouse national pride among the Chinese public and justify China’s large defense expenditures during a period of economic uncertainty. Externally, the parade sought to demonstrate China’s resolve to the United States and Taiwan and broadcast the PRC’s global influence.

In short, the September 3 military parade reflected Beijing’s confidence in its growing global influence and its role as the defender of the world order, particularly as the Trump administration has sought to restructure the global economy and, in the process, upend long-standing U.S. foreign policy approaches. It also indicates the PRC leadership’s belief in the validity of its policy directions, both internal and external.

In this context, Western companies can expect the PRC government to continue its policy of welcoming foreign investment, at least for the time being. However, they should be aware that technological self-reliance and national security considerations remain paramount in the minds of the PRC leadership. More than ever, Western companies must adopt a strategic, coordinated, and comprehensive approach that balances their desire to take advantage of opportunities in the China market and the need to mitigate emerging risks.

Arouse National Pride

Economic malaise is causing growing public anxiety in China. At the same time, Beijing is facing increasing external security pressure. Therefore, the PRC leadership wants to use the parade to arouse national pride among the Chinese people. In a pre-parade press conference, Major General WU Zeke, Deputy Director of Operations in the PLA’s Joint Staff Department and a parade coordinator, remarked that the event would demonstrate that “China is getting more and more prosperous and the PLA stronger under the leadership of the CCP.”  

Since 2012, when XI Jinping became the top PRC leader, the Chinese military has undergone important reforms. It is notable that many of them have been modeled after the U.S. military.

The outcome of those reforms includes the reduction of the size of the Chinese military, from 2.3 million to 2 million. The PLA is now organized into four services (Army, Navy, Air Force, and Rocket (ICBM) Force) and four service arms (Aerospace, Cyberspace, Information Support, and Joint Logistic forces). The previous seven military regions have been reorganized into five regional joint theater commands.

Military armament has also significantly improved. Some new military capabilities displayed at the parade included China’s new strategic and precision strike weapons, unmanned fighting platforms, laser and directed energy weapons, stealth air power, and electronic warfare systems.

China’s military modernization has been supported by significant growth in its defense budget. Since 2012, China’s defense budget increased from approximately $100 billion in 2013 to $245.6 billion in 2025. To a large extent, the military parade aimed to justify China’s large defense expenditures to the Chinese public during a time of economic uncertainty.

However, the PLA has been plagued with corruption, which seriously undermines the public’s confidence in the military. In the last two years, at least 14 PLA general officers were dismissed for corruption. Among them were two defense ministers and commanders of the Air Force and Rocket Force, respectively. The dismissals also generated speculation about military’s political loyalty. It is notable that General Wu stressed that the parade showed that the PLA “is loyal to, supports, and is ready to safeguard the core of our leadership.”

Demonstrate Resolve

The military parade also served as a platform for the PRC leadership to broadcast messages to external audiences, among which the United States rank at the top.

The intensification of U.S.-China strategic rivalry has increased the military tension in the Indo-Pacific region, featuring large-scale multi-nation exercises. For example, from July 10 to August 8, the United States conducted Resolute Force Pacific 2025 (REFORPAC 2025), the largest air exercise in the Indo-Pacific region in U.S. history. From August 1 to August 5, China and Russia conducted a large joint naval exercise in the northern Pacific.

China’s military parade took place against this strategic backdrop, with Beijing focusing on a potential military showdown with the U.S. and its allies in the Taiwan Strait. The PRC leadership is thus incentivized to show that it is prepared for such a confrontation. Indeed, some of the weapons displayed during the parade were clearly meant to signal to the United States of China’s resolve. Notable among these weapons are the following:

• The DF-61 intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM). This ICBM has a reported range of 15,000 miles and the capacity to carry 8 to 12 nuclear warheads.
• The DF-5C silo-launched ICBM. Chinese experts claim that China’s newest silo-launched ICBM can “hit any corner of the world.”
• The JL-1 missile. PRC state media report that the development of China’s first airborne nuclear missile “completed China’s nuclear triad posture.”
• The HQ-29 missile. Nicknamed “double-barreled satellite hunter,” it is intended to intercept targets at a range above 500 kilometers and can shoot down low-orbit satellites.
• The DF-26D hypersonic missile. This is the latest version of China’s family of “Guam killer” intermediate range ballistic missile.
• The AJX-002 eXtra Large Uncrewed Undersea Vehicle (XLUUV). Some international military experts equate the AJX-002 to the Russian Poseidon intercontinental nuclear-powered nuclear-armed autonomous torpedo and the US XLUUV “Orca” developed by Boeing. Naval News recently reported that China “has the largest XLUUV program of any nation with at least five types in the water for several years.”

Unsurprisingly, the other external audience is Taiwan.

Chinese statements associated with the parade were in line with consistent PRC messaging that the Cairo and Potsdam Declarations stipulate that Taiwan would be returned to Chinese rule at the end of the Second World War. Since the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) established effective rule over China in 1949 with the creation of the PRC, it has claimed that Taiwan is part of the PRC.

Until recently, Beijing had hoped that economic and cultural exchanges would eventually lead to Taiwan’s “peaceful reunification” with China under the PRC. However, Taiwan’s democratization and the growing influence of identity politics since the 1990s have cast this possibility into doubt. Consequently, the PRC government has significantly increased military activities around the island, essentially normalizing its military presence in the Taiwan Strait. In this vein, Xi said in his parade address that the PLA will “resolutely safeguard national sovereignty, unification, and territorial integrity” – a clear reference to Taiwan. Some weapon systems displayed at the parade were aimed at demonstrating China’s military capabilities in a potential cross-Strait military conflict.  

The Taiwanese government has banned active and retired officials from attending activities in Beijing that commemorate the end of the second Sino-Japanese war. However, HUNG Hsiu-chu, a former chairperson of the opposition KMT (which favors engagement with the PRC), some military veterans associated with the KMT, and the heads of three other Taiwanese opposition parties attended the parade. Taipei said it will consider possible legal penalties against these individuals.   

Project Global Influence

Lastly, the CCP party-state wanted to use foreign attendance at the parade to demonstrate its diplomatic strength and global influence. According to the Chinese government, representatives from 62 countries and international organizations attended the parade, including 26 heads of state and government. Foreign representations at the parade suggest the emergence of a non-Western bloc with China at its center.

For example, the parade featured the historic meeting of members of the so-called “axis of upheaval” – China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran. The parade was also notable for the assemblage of the leaders of all remaining ruling communist parties in the world – China, North Korea, Vietnam, Laos, and Cuba.

In addition, the heads of state of all Central Asian countries were in attendance. Nine members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were also represented – the heads of state or government of six ASEAN were in attendance. The Thai Prime Minister did not attend due to her removal from office days before the Beijing ceremony. Brunei was represented by its chief of armed forces. China did not invite the Philippines due to their ongoing disputes in the South China Sea.

The heads of state or government of 12 of the 14 countries bordering China also attended the parade. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi left China after attending the August 31-September 1 Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin. Modi’s participation in the SCO summit reflected his annoyance with the United States. However, his absence at the military parade indicates that India wants to avoid the perception that it is too close to China.

Other parade attendees included Presidents of Belarus and Serbia, Prime Minster of Slovakia, and senior leaders from Bulgaria, Turkey, Hungary, which reflected China’s influence in Europe. Africa was represented by Presidents of Congo and Zimbabwe while Latin America was represented by the attendance of senior representatives from Brazil and Nicaragua. Collectively, their participation demonstrates Beijing’s diplomatic outreach to the Global South.

The U.S. ambassador and most Western diplomats reportedly boycotted the parade. The Japanese government also urged countries not to attend the military parade in Beijing prior to the event. On August 26, China lodged a diplomatic representation to protest Japan’s move.

What happened in China since August 31, starting with the SCO summit and concluding with the Beijing military parade, further testifies that China is working to reshape the world order in its direction. In his parade address, Xi warned, “Today, humanity is again faced with a choice of peace or war, dialogue or confrontation, and win-win outcomes or zero-sum games.” He pointed out, “Only when nations across the world treat each other as equals, live in harmony and mutually support one another can common security be safeguarded, the root cause of war eliminated, and historical tragedies prevented from reoccurring.”